Tuesday, 4 June 2013

Howard Hughes

Howard Hughes was born in Texas on 24 September 1905.  It may be that when he was fifteen he was seduced by his elder brother Rupert.  Bisexually prolific throughout his adult life, with men he preferred oral sex, with women inter-mammary.  While filming Hell’s Angels in the late 1920s he is thought to have had an affair with the actor John Darrow.  He brought James Whale over to Hollywood from London to help re-shoot the part-completed Hell’s Angels using the new sound technology.  He courted the newly-arrived Randolph Scott and helped him kick-start his career.  Scott’s next male lover was Cary Grant.  Hughes is thought to have had an affair with Grant, too, while they went on extended sailing expeditions together.  He also had a sexual relationship with Tyrone Power and another with the actor Richard Cromwell, but both Robert Taylor and Errol Flynn turned him down.  In the early 1950s he was arrested on Santa Monica Boulevard for forcing a hustler to fellate him in his car.  At the police station he is said to have written out a cheque for a million dollars, whereupon he was released.  William Haines claimed to have witnessed many instances of Hughes enjoying (as top) sadomasochistic scenes.  In 1970 Hughes developed a mysterious cluster of illness, including pneumonia, with such consequences as emaciation.  By the time he died, on 5 April 1975, he had lost his sight.  There has been some speculation that he had what would later come to be called AIDS.


[Source: Charles Higham, Howard Hughes: The Secret Life (London: Virgin, 2004)]







Marlon Brando

Marlon Brando said in 1976, ‘Like a large number of men … I too have had homosexual experiences and am not ashamed.  I’ve never paid attention to what people had said about me’.  As his biographer adds, ‘For years, rumours linked him with novelist James Baldwin; actors Wally Cox, Christian Marquand, and others; and even Leonard Bernstein and Gore Vidal’.  There were also, famously, rumours of a photograph doing the rounds: ‘a close-up of Brando, his young profile recognizable, with his lips wrapped around an erect penis’.  While still at school, not only did he have a younger male lover, but he also had more casual sexual encounters with his fellow cadets.  While Tennessee Williams was working on The Glass Menagerie in Provincetown in 1945, Brando drifted into town and took lodgings in the cottage of a homosexual bartender, Clayton Snow.  Although gossip about their relationship has never been substantiated, Snow did once claim to have been fellated by Brando when they were both drunk after a beach party.  Later, when Brando was playing Stanley Kowalski in A Streetcar Named Desire, the role of the young collector was taken over by the openly homosexual actor Sandy Campbell, lover of the writer Donald Windham and a good friend of such homosexual luminaries as Montgomery Clift, Tallulah Bankhead, Tennessee Williams and Gore Vidal.  Brando propositioned him, and although the detail of what ensued is not known, they were subsequently often seen holding hands in the wings.
At about this time, Brando also got to know Carl Van Vechten and Truman Capote.  Capote observed that Brando used to sleep with many men who were attracted to him, on the grounds that, in his own words, ‘I just thought that I was doing them a favor’.  He gives the impression of having passed through many hands in a spirit of Candidean wonder.  Jean Cocteau helped to make his reputation in France.  He wanted Brando to go there to reprise his role as Kowalski in French; a proposal by which the actor was strongly tempted, but which he eventually declined.  Much of his career – to an extent, like those of many film stars – was determined by such instances of sexual attraction.  According to Maria Schneider, his co-star on Last Tango in Paris, she and Brando and the film’s director Bernardo Bertolucci got on together extremely well, precisely because all three of them were bisexual.  When Ingmar Bergman saw the completed film, he read it as the narrative of an affair between an older and a younger man.  In his opinion, Bertolucci had not had the courage to cast a boy in the role that then went to Schneider.  There is no reason to suppose that Brando would not have been happy to appear in such a version of the film; it could hardly have been much more controversial than the version they did make.


[Source: Peter Manso, Brando: The Biography (NY: Hyperion, 1994)]



Aspects of Love

In David Garnett’s novelette Aspects of Love (1955), later musicalised by Andrew Lloyd Webber, a young man called Alexis, who has just been expelled from his public school for what he calls ‘the usual reason’, has an affair with a woman called Rose, who subsequently drops him in favour of his debonair uncle, Sir George Dillingham.  Generational slippage recurs much later, when Alexis falls for George and Rose’s fourteen-year-old daughter, Jenny.  To avoid the pitfall of actually making love with a girl so young, Alexis contrives to head south with a previous mistress of his uncle’s, Giulietta.  However, both Giulietta and Jenny herself know that in four or five years’ time the girl, by then maturing into womanhood, is quite likely to want to track him down, and he is unlikely to be able any longer to resist her.  Alexis, as a type, seems intended to demonstrate a certain characteristic of the ex-public school ex-homosexual.  He is a boy-man with a romantic approach to love that is driven by sexual attraction; he has to be manipulated, or controlled, by others if he is not to ruin the lives of those who surround him.




Sunday, 2 June 2013

Henry Cowell

The composer Henry Cowell felt both blessed and a little harassed by a group of working-class teenagers who got into the habit of swimming in the pond behind his house in Menlo Park, California.  The boys exploited his homosexuality by taking various liberties over a period of three years, but they also granted him sexual favours which both enchanted and scared him.  Then one of them tried to blackmail him and he refused to pay up.  The boy went to his family, the family to the County Juvenile Officer, and he to the District Attorney’s office, whereupon a warrant was issued for Cowell’s arrest.  The charge was that, on 30 April 1936, he had engaged in ‘oral copulation’ with a seventeen-year-old, thereby violating Section 288a of the California Penal Code.  The fact that the boy had consented was irrelevant to the law’s blanket ban on oral sex.  Officials delivering the warrant to Cowell’s house at 11.00 p.m. on 21 May 1936 found three of the boys there, but not Cowell himself.  He came home a couple of hours later with six of the others, whom he had taken skating in San Francisco.  At first he denied the specific charge, but he soon volunteered information about the actual nature of his friendships with the boys, and he handed officials photographs he had taken of them.  As a friend of Cowell’s later said, ‘I believe Henry was glad to have it end, at almost any price’.
            Cowell co-operated fully with the authorities, with the intention of saving the boys from having to give evidence.  He admitted to having had sex with fourteen young men in his lifetime, seven of them in the recent period leading up to his arrest; the youngest partner had been sixteen, and all had consented.  However, the County Juvenile Officer consistently referred to Cowell’s boys as ‘young children’ and the San Francisco Examiner portrayed Cowell himself as a promiscuous child-molester.  Probation was denied, and the judge sentenced Cowell to the standard term of one to fifteen years, to be served in what had recently been rated the second worst prison in the USA, San Quentin.  Cowell arrived there on 8 July 1936.  The parole board subsequently, on 13 August 1937, fixed his sentence at the maximum term, fifteen years—a level of punishment more usually associated with serial rapists.[1]
            At no point in the process had Henry Cowell appealed to his homosexual friends for support.  He does appear to have thought of his homosexuality as a psychological flaw, and to have hoped he could somehow leave it behind him.  Presumably, also, he must have known how reluctant some friends would now have become to be associated with him.  Some figures were conspicuous in their failure to provide support or even otherwise to convey sympathy.  Charles Ives was one such.  When she heard of Cowell's imprisonment, Ives' wife Harmony wrote to a friend: ‘Have you heard this hideous thing about Henry Cowell—that he has been guilty of Oscar Wilde practices[?]’  (3 July 1936).  In a subsequent letter to the same friend she reported that, when she told her husband, he decided never to see Cowell again, adding: ‘I thought he was a man & he's really A g— d— sap’ (12 July 1936).[2]  The fact is that, as all his biographers agree, Ives reacted defensively to all references to sex or sensuality, rigorously policing his own behaviour and nervously watching out for any imputation, actual or imagined, that he himself was anything but sturdily normal in these respects.  His fears affected his approach not only to his own art but to that of others.  As one biographer puts it, ‘Ives felt threatened whenever the subject of sex was broached; he rationalized his attitude, however, by choosing to believe that any appearance of sex in art, literature, or public discussion was a form of commercial exploitation.  Sensuality was his bête noir’.[3]
            In his youth, Ives had not been averse to a bit of male bonding, but he was already clear about what he would permit himself by way of student friendships.  Another biographer says of this early period: ‘the specter of homosexuality carried with it the threat of the loss of potency, and ultimately fantasies of castration.  Certain forms of sentimentality, however, were permitted and even favored’.  Friendships were permitted only to the extent that they could be demonstrated to be unequivocally masculine.  The same went for his musical compositions, since he allowed himself to be terrorised by that philistine strain of American culture which regards artistic sensitivity as unmasculine.  As an adult, ‘Ives ended up virtually phobic of anything feminine, including the powerful emotions he himself experienced’.[4]  Yet another biographer concurs with this analysis of his fear of being thought a sissy: ‘Violence and panic exactly describe Ives’s response to the specter of homosexuality, which was part of a fear of feminization even more threatening to him than to most artists of his time’.[5]
The friend who was most supportive of Cowell was Percy Grainger, who regarded his case as an instance of the state oppressing the artist.  In October 1938, he offered Cowell work as his secretary, so as to persuade the parole board that, even if he would no longer be allowed to make a living by teaching, Cowell was not unemployable.  Cowell conspicuously qualified for the concessions due to ‘good behaviour’, having set up a successful music school in San Quentin and taught in it for twenty-two hours a week, as well as having founded a prison orchestra; and so, in due course, his sentence was reduced and he won parole.  On his release in June 1940, he went to live with, and work for, Percy Grainger at White Plains, New York.
            One of the more interesting consequences of Henry Cowell’s long campaign for parole had been a striving for respectability, not only in the demonstrable aspect of his own character, but even in his art.  The music he composed in jail, and then after his release, tended to be less experimental, less radical, than he had been attempting before; and the move to New York cut him off from the more daring musical subcultures of the west coast.  It may be, in other words, that his arrest and conviction led ultimately to a diminished achievement in his musical career.  But at least, on his release, he was still able to work in his chosen field.  Indeed, thanks to a federal ‘cultural defense’ programme which had been instituted as part of the American war effort, when his civil rights were restored on 3 July 1941 Cowell was able to become a government employee, editing Latin American music for publication to counter Nazi claims that Latino culture was not valued by the USA.  Fully pardoned by 1943, Cowell was appointed senior music editor in the overseas branch of the Office of War Information.[6]
            In the long run, Henry Cowell got some kind of revenge on Charles Ives.  In 1955, a year after Ives’ death, he published an aggressively sycophantic book, Charles Ives and His Music, in which, referring to himself in the third person, he reminded the world that he had been instrumental in first making Ives’ reputation in the late 1920s: ‘Cowell immediately began to include Ives’s name among the really important creative figures of the early twentieth century, and to write and lecture about him persistently both abroad and at home’.[7]







[1] The papers of a major symposium on Cowell are not forthcoming about this episode in his life, any more than they are about his sexuality.  San Quentin is mentioned several times, but the reason for imprisonment only once (pp.155-156), by William Lichtenwanger.  Although Cowell is never treated as homosexual or bisexual, the papers contain many references to his wife, Sidney Robertson Cowell—David Nicholls (ed.), The Whole World of Music: A Henry Cowell Symposium (Amsterdam: Harwood, 1997).
[2]Stuart Feder, Charles Ives, “My Father’s Song”: A Psychoanalytic Biography (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1992), p.343.
[3]Frank R. Rossiter, Charles Ives and His America (London: Victor Gollancz, 1976), p.169.
[4]Feder, p.336.
[5]Jan Swafford, Charles Ives: A Life with Music (New York: Norton, 1996), p.375.
[6] Michael Hicks, ‘The Imprisonment of Henry Cowell’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 44 (1991), pp.92-119.
[7]Henry Cowell & Sidney Cowell, Charles Ives and His Music (New York: OUP, 1955), p.105.

T.S. Eliot


The question of Eliot’s own sexuality is moot.  The biographer of his first wife, Vivienne, uses circumstantial evidence to suggest he was homosexual, but does so to use it against him as but one more facet to the misogyny which had the effect of victimising Vivienne.  We might use the same evidence to make the same inference about his sexuality, yet then draw quite different conclusions from it.  In this alternative scenario, the suppression of his homosexual feelings—feelings which most famously found some kind of expression, not necessarily physical, in his love for the young Frenchman Jean Verdenal—would have to be read as symptomatic of the victimisation of Eliot himself by a homophobic culture, which then had its knock-on effect on the state of his marriage.  Indeed, the suppression not only of any sign of affection for members of his own sex, but of emotion itself, so central to the tone of all his major poetry, but especially to that of The Waste Land, could arguably have its origins in the same source: the fear of what was homosexual in himself.  Eliot’s emotional dryness makes one regret not having been present to hear the exchanges that took place in Paris from the autumn of 1910, when he went for French conversation lessons with Alain-Fournier, author of that splendidly love-ridden and sentimental novel Le Grand Meaulnes (1913).



[Source: Carole Seymour-Jones, Painted Shadow: A Life of Vivienne Eliot (London: Constable, 2001).  In a review of this biography, Francis King writes: ‘The gay novelist C.H.B. Kitchin once described to me how T.S. Eliot, having recently severed all contact with his wife Vivienne, took up residence, in 1933, in the flat that Kitchin shared with two other gay men.  Each evening, Eliot would go out wearing “a bit of slap”, usually to return home after the rest of the occupants were in bed.  He clammed up when Kitchin tentatively probed him on the subject of his sexuality; but Kitchin was in little doubt of its nature’—Francis King, ‘Broken Butterfly’, Gay Times 281 (February 2002), p.78.]


Francois Sentein

Jean Genet, Lettres au petit Franz
François Sentein, Minutes d’un libertin (1938-1941)
François Sentein, Nouvelles minutes d’un libertin (1942-1943)


The first volume of François Sentein’s journals or ‘minutes’ was published in 1977.  It gave the impression of a somewhat marginal figure, running errands with the expedient sycophancy of ambition and youth, typing other men’s words and even rolling their cigarettes.  His antennae were sensitive to the slightest compliment from an older writer.  In this respect he was at his most normal: slightly bumptious and self-regarding, trying in the usual ways to kick-start a literary career.
            The second volume, now published for the first time, is far livelier.  Sentein strikes fewer attitudes and meets more interesting people.  He moves in literary circles marked by their flirtations with right-wing politics and single-minded dedication to the pursuit of youth (meaning youths).  He feasts with such panthers as Henri de Montherlant (‘I wrote Les jeunes filles, yet I know nothing about young girls’), Jean Paulhan, Maurice Sachs, Marcel Jouhandeau, Max Jacob and Roger Peyrefitte.
These are the diaries not of a libertine but of a bookish young pederast.  Sentein conveys no real sense of excess.  Even his extremist politics—a disciplinarian monarchism which, as a follower of Charles Maurras, he calls ‘maurrassien’—he is keen to distinguish from the excesses of fascism.  Sentein’s main claim to fame is that he helped Jean Genet during the early years of the latter’s reinvention of himself as a writer.  It was he who crucially persuaded Genet to show Notre-Dame des Fleurs to Cocteau, and it was he in turn whom Cocteau asked to correct the book’s messy typescript.  When he first met Genet, Sentein was reminded of Paul Verlaine, if in a somewhat rougher-edged version: he was shocked when Genet urinated in a washbasin. 
Genet’s letters to Sentein from jail are models of their sort.  As you would expect, there are frequent requests for tobacco, chocolate, money and other comforts.  Sentein thinks of these as a pregnant woman’s cravings, as the prisoner labours to give birth to his first book.  But Genet is different from other convicts in that his most insistent need is writing paper.  At times he is reduced to writing his poems on the covers of books, as well as on his committal papers and those of his cellmates.
Genet was really only a small-time crook and mugger and he knew he could only worship the ideal figure of the murderer from a lower level of criminality but much higher level of literacy.  In one letter he notes that there are ‘certain natures’—poets—who have difficulty sleeping.  He means himself.  He is fascinated by his cellmates’ capacity for sleep, even during daylight hours and even amid the mundane turmoil of prison life.  On another occasion, he points out how astonished the other convicts are that he writes at all.  He takes the time to quote what one of them asked him about his work: ‘C’est des chansons?’  It is a perfectly reasonable question.  The fact that Genet finds it strange is itself strange.  His use of slang to state this man’s age ‘(50 berges)’ only underlines the self-consciousness of the writer’s attempt to identify with the constituency to which he only belongs in part.
One of Sentein’s most interesting observations is of how quickly Genet came to seem self-consciously literary, rather than a merely ‘natural’, untaught talent.  As early as July 1943, reading an early draft of the Journal d’un voleur, he identifies not only ‘a Genet who has read Genet’ but one who has read ‘a Cocteau who has read Genet’.  In a footnote Sentein adds that there would later be an even more sophisticated Genet who had read the Sartre who had read Genet.  At its worst, this awareness would collapse into self-parody.
On the very day that Genet was released from one of his spells in prison, Sentein took him for a drink with Marcel Jouhandeau, the homosexual novelist who was closeted within a conventional domestic arrangement; as he said on this occasion, ‘My house is my prison and my wife is my turnkey’.  I take this tactless outburst of self-pity as an emblematic moment.  Genet fascinated other homosexual writers, but they tended not to invite him to their homes: he would shock the wife or steal the spoons.  It is easy to see how his books drove a rude swathe through the lofty, classical certainties of educated French pederasty.
For all the help he gave Genet, Sentein ultimately got little in return.  When denounced as a traitor after the war, he would receive no support at all from the patron saint of personal betrayal.



[This review was first published in the Times Literary Supplement 5151 (21 December 2001), p.11.]



Marilyn Hacker

Marilyn Hacker, First Cities: Collected Early Poems 1960-1979
Marilyn Hacker, Desesperanto: Poems 1999-2002

On a number of occasions in her earlier work, Marilyn Hacker watched men’s hermetic rituals from a distance, less as an anthropologist with some prospect of arriving at logical deductions about what she was seeing than as an observant tourist in a culture so different from her own as to be almost beyond comprehension.  What was left was the physical detail: ‘a naked man / with a wristwatch and a walking-stick / approaches, but will not reach, / two horses’.  At clearer moments, she knew what men were up to but, interested though she was in them, she accepted her own exclusion from their milieu.  In a sequence of sonnets about Regent’s Park she described sitting among ‘the clucking mums on benches near the swings’, her mind wandering into the nocturnal cruising areas, ‘behind the bushes after hours’, where ‘all sorts of lewd and fascinating things / still happen.  But they won’t happen to me’.  She knows they happen because she has gay friends; and she seems aware that they would not happen were she there, anthropologically, to observe them.  Yet, for all that the present observer must be detached from the watched reality, the absent imaginer need not be.  It is sometimes in the latter capacity that Hacker is able to make sense of realities neither experienced nor observed.
Her two main milieux are bohemian New York City and a Paris in which the cosmopolitan has given way to the multicultural: ‘the old men arguing / on benches, in French, in Mandarin, / in Arabic, Yiddish and Portuguese’.  Her own trans-Atlantic flaneurship carries echoes of Modernism in the mundane life of the postmodern: ‘I sit in a café / nursing a decaf.’—but with a suppressed yearning for the heyday of absinthe.
She is a marvellous technician—like Adrienne Rich, an admirer of Auden without his clinical detachment.  Her collections include, if not crowns, slighter tiaras of sonnets, and sestinas in a modern idiom, sestinas that work.  In ‘Morning News’, the shuffling of the end-words ‘bread’, ‘branches’, ‘war’, ‘houses’, kitchen’, ‘was’ and ‘photograph’ results in as particular and detailed a generic poem on civil warfare as you are ever likely to read.  At other times, however, facility threatens to teeter over into the facile.  For instance, there is a sonnet called ‘July 19, 1979’ which begins as follows:

            I’ll write a sonnet just to get in form,
            allowing fifteen minutes by the clock
            to build gratuitously block by block
            of quatrains.

Leaving aside the question of how many quatrains it takes to make a sonnet, this is either agreeably relaxed or disagreeably cocky.  Even if ars est celare artem, one does not want it to look too easy.  Or rather, the thing must look as if it happened, as it were, naturally, but not as if the poet was thinking of something else at the time, as if merely trotting on a treadmill to keep fit.  To rhyme with line twelve’s ending, ‘blue eyes’, line fourteen ends ‘I’ve done my exercise’.  A sonnet in fifteen minutes?  Well, bully for you.  If the poem truly is gratuitous, bothering to read it may be a waste of my time.
But Hacker’s technical panache is not, in fact, gratuitous.  Her showing off and muscle-flexing, at least back in the 1960s and 70s, had a straightforward political purpose.  As she put the case in the poem ‘Introductory Lines’, written in 1978 for the ‘formal poetry’ issue of The Little Magazine:

            Poets, and poems, are not apolitical.
            Women and other radicals who choose
            venerable vessels for subversive use
affirm what Sophomore Survey often fails
            to note: God and Anonymous are not white males.

Her own use of ‘venerable vessels’ was, in those days, an intentionally ostentatious demonstration of female skill.  Which is not to say that she was trying to shape a specifically gendered poetry; at least as much, she was showing that she could do what was reckoned men’s work a lot better than many of the men who were reckoned good at it.
            Of course, that general point has long been accepted by anyone with the slightest purchase on reason; so her skills can now be put to more useful uses.  But Hacker is no less politically engaged than she ever was, thank goodness.  Any Anglophone poet who wishes to be engaged with public issues still has to cope with the dreadful oppressiveness of that line of Auden’s, ‘poetry makes nothing happen’—a line that fits beautifully into its original context but has been used by quietists ever since as a handy undermining tool, no less effective for the fact that in its handiness it contradicts itself.  In Desesperanto, Hacker manages a politicised idiom that seems as if it might achieve something.  The collection opens with a piece in memory of June Jordan, the African-American lesbian poet, an ‘Elegy for a Soldier’ that builds to a climax of the naming of other such soldiers whose chief weapon was poetry: Yehuda Amichai, Léopold Senghor, Pablo Neruda, Audre Lorde…  The clinching sentiment here, adapting an insight of Primo Levi’s, is: ‘To each nation its Jews, its blacks, its Arabs, / Palestinians, its immigrants, its women. / From each nation, its poets’.
‘An Embittered Elegy’ in memory of Matthew Shepard, the young gay man crucified by homophobes, and Barnett Slepian, the abortionist assassinated by right-to-lifers, turns into a cry of exasperation at the inherited homophobia and anti-feminism of Hacker’s own American students.  An adjacent poem, ‘English 182’, evinces similar frustration at student ignorance and the unwillingness of a young, black woman to do the required work on a selection of poems by Audre Lorde.  Hacker makes no easy, liberal attempt to justify the closed-mindedness of disadvantaged youth; nor does she do much to ironise her own anger at their reluctance to play ball with academic radicalism.  The outcome is an unresolved atmosphere of threat and pessimism.  The fact is that, despite her idealism, Hacker seems to keep finding—as when a functioning multicultural neighbourhood in Paris turns nimbyist when a hostel for drug users is proposed: ‘send them to another street—not ours’—that people do not live up to ideal standards.
            In her more depressive moods, Hacker is baffled by both grief and pessimism, knowing that although life sometimes gets better it does so only temporarily; and that human societies always revert to barbarism unless we struggle to uphold their better values.  In the elegy on June Jordan, Hacker notes that while a blank space has replaced the twin towers of the World Trade Center, ‘Threats keep citizens in line’ and ‘dissent festers unexpressed’.  Like so many writers, she is left with the reassurance of the personal.  There are always human relationships to fall back on.  She expresses this best in the last instruction in her rhapsodic recipe for ‘Jamesian omelettes’, as made for hung-over brunches by gay friends in her youth: ‘Eat it with somebody you’ll remember’.


[This review was first published in PN Review 159 (Sept-Oct 2004), pp.84-85.]